ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND 


HEARINGS 

BEFORE 

THE COMMITTEE ON RULES 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

SIXTY-FIFTH CONGRESS 
FIRST SESSION 

ON 

H. RESOLUTIONS 148, 149, 151 

FT MEADE 

D 619 
.3 
. A5 
19171 
Copy 2 





WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
7 








COMMITTEE ON RULES. 

House of Representatives. 

SIXTY-FIFTH CONGRESS. 

* 

EDWARD W. POU, North Carolina, Chairman. 
FINIS J. GARRETT, Tennessee. 

MARTIN D. FOSTER, Illinois. 

JAMES C. CANTRILL, Kentucky. 

PAT HARRISON, Mississippi. 

DANIEL J. RIORDAN, New York. 

M. CLYDE KELLY, Pennsylvania. 

THOMAS D. SCHALL, Minnesota. 

T. B. Ward, Cleric. 


PHILIP P. CAMPBELL, Kansas. 
IRVINE L. LENROOT, Wisconsin. 
WILLIAM R. WOOD, Indiana. 
BERTRAND H. SNELL, New York. 


D. of D. 

NOV 1 1917 


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ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 


House of Representatives, 

Committee on Rules, 
Thursday , September 27, 1917. 

The committee this day met, Hon. Edward W. Pou (chairman) 
presiding. The following other members were present: Mr. Cantrill, 
Mr. Campbell, Mr. Foster, Mr. Garrett, Mr. Kelly, Mr. Riordan, 
Mr. Wood. 

The Chairman. The committee will be in order. Mr. Norton, we 
will hear from you. 

STATEMENT OF HON. PATRICK D. NORTON, A REPRESENTATIVE 
IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NORTH DAKOTA. 

Mr. Norton. Mr. Chairman, the only interest I have in this matter 
is the interest that every Member of the House has. I introduced 
House resolution 151, which has been referred to this committee and 
which provides for the appointment by the Speaker of a select com¬ 
mittee of seven to investigate into the charges that were reported in 
the Washington Post and other papers of September 22, 1917, to 
have been made by Representative Heflin and Representative How¬ 
ard in reference to the telegram sent by Count von Bernstorff, the 
representative of the German Government, to his Government ask¬ 
ing permission to pay out $50,000, as on former occasions, to influence 
Congress, which reported statements, made by Representative Heflin 
and Representative Howard, reflected upon the membership of the 
House and alleged that certain Members received part of this money. 

I consider that those charges are very serious charges. I do not 
know of anything more damaging to the House that could be done 
than to charge its Members with taking German gold to influence 
their actions in the House. I know of nothing that could be done 
in the House that would give more comfort and satisfaction to our 
German enemies than to learn that on the floor of this great legis¬ 
lative body one of its Members had insinuated against his fellow 
Members that they were corrupt and were guilty of receiving money 
from German representatives to influence their actions in Congress. 
I deem it is only fair to Representative Heflin, Representative How¬ 
ard, the House, and the country that an opportunity be given for 
these Members to appear before a committee and make their state¬ 
ments under oath, and that an opportunity be given to the news¬ 
paper men who made these reports to make their statements under 
oath before a committee. 

It is true that, in a way, Representative Heflin and Representative 
Howard have denied that they made the statements which have been 

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reported in the newspapers of this city and newspapers of the 
country as having been made by them. 

To show how widespread the report has been, I received in the 
mails the other day from my former home town, Devils Lake, 
N. Dak., a copy of the Devils Lake Journal, a small daily paper 
printed in that town, and it contained this statement, with a Wash¬ 
ington, D. C., headline: 

That an organization, powerful and richly supplied, was at Bernstorff’s com¬ 
mand, is certain in light of Secretary Lansing’s expose. 

“ Von Bernstorff had a big organization and an expensive one working on 
Congress,” said Representative Adamson of Georgia. “ There were not only 
telegram-sending agencies, but in Washington hotels I myself heard many 
gaudy women talking peace. I thought at the time they were German spies, 
and later my suspicions were confirmed. The matter should be carefully 
investigated.” 

There were those whose comments smacked of fire. “ I have heard,” said 
Representative Heflin, of Alabama, “ that there is a card-gambling room in 
Washington conducted by Germans where Members of Congress in favor of 
peace at any price are extremely lucky when they play cards.” 

Representative Howard, of Georgia, stated: “ This money was not all used 
for telegrams. Some was used directly, and I can pick out the men who got- 
it. They look a whole lot more prosperous than they ever did before.” 

That has gone to the country. Something should and must be 
done to offset those false reports. I do not believe there is any 
need of having this investigation go further than to ascertain 
whether these statements were made to newspaper men by these 
Members and whether the newspaper men Avere authorized by these 
men to send those reports broadcast over the country. The first 
thing, it seems to me, that the House should do is to cleanse itself. 
If there are any Members guilty as charged, they should be hurled 
out of the House; and if these Members made those charges falsely, 
proper action should be taken against them. 

I will say that the newspaper men who gave these reports out are 
here, and they tell me that they were authorized to make those re¬ 
ports, that those statements were made to them, and they are pre¬ 
pared to appear before any committee that may be authorized by 
the House and give their statements under oath. 

The Chairman. Mr. Doolittle, do you desire to be heard ? 

STATEMENT OF HON. DUDLEY DOOLITTLE, A REPRESENTATIVE 
IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF KANSAS. 

Mr. Doolittle. Just a word, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the 
committee. When I read on the 21st of this month the telegram 
which Von Bernstorff had sent to the German Government asking 
for funds further to proceed with his German propaganda in the 
United States, which telegram was made public by Secretary Lan¬ 
sing, it struck me that Congress should ascertain the organization, 
the unnamed organization, mentioned by Von Bernstorff, through 
Avhich he said he Avas Avorking on Congress, and trace the funds. 
therefore introduced the folloAving resolution that afternoon: 

Resolved, That a committee of five Members be appointed by the Speaker of 
the House to investigate and make report as to whether any person connected 
with the legislative branch of the Government of the United States, or any 
society or organization in the United States of America, has, since July thirty- 
first, nineteen hundred and fourteen, profited financially, either directly or 
indirectly, by reason of funds furnished by the German'Government, or'any 


ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 


5 


official thereof, to influence, directly or indirectly, legislation pertaining to or 
connected in any way with the attitude and action of the United States Gov¬ 
ernment toward the present war. And for such purposes it shall have power 
to send for persons and papers and enforce their appearance before said com¬ 
mittee. and to administer oaths and shall have the right to make report at any 
time. 

lou will remember that the telegram made public by the State 
Department reads as follows: 

I request authority to pay up to $50,000 in order, as on former occasions, to 
influence Congress through the organization you know of, which can perhaps 
prevent war. 

I am beginning in the meantime to act accordingly. 

In the above circumstances a public official German declaration in favor of 
Ireland is highly desirable, in order to gain the support of Irish influence here. 

This unnamed organization evidently had been active before. 
Whether it had been or could be successful in its efforts to influence 
Members of Congress is a conjecture. Bernstorff had confidence 
in its efficiency as a German weapon. Some Members of Congress 
may have been influenced by this organization, thinking that it was 
a perfectly legitimate organization and expressing the sentiments 
honestly that it purported to express. In any event, it seems to me 
that an investigation should be had not only to include what Mr. 
Norton has mentioned in his statement, but to find out, if we can, and 
brand this organization which Yon Bernstorff mentions. It will 
have a salutary influence, I think, throughout the country. The 
public has been bombarded with treasonable literature, and all Mem¬ 
bers of Congress have received a great many communications from 
different organizations over the country masquerading under the 
guise—as I believe, masquerading—of peace organizations, so-called 
Fair Play, Truth Societies, and so on. If we can ascertain this 
unnamed organization and brand it as having been backed by Ger¬ 
man funds to a dead certainty, this declaration on the part of Yon 
Bernstorff will furnish the proof. Then some people in the country, 
and maybe Members of Congress who have honestly been misled by 
propaganda coming forth from this seditious organization, will have 
their eyes opened; they will resent it, and the future usefulness of 
the organization to the German Government will be destroyed. 

Let me say that I went down and called on Secretary Lansing a 
few days ago and stated that the newspapers had reported that he 
did not know who or what this organization mentioned in Yon Bern- 
storff’s telegram was. I asked him if that were true. He said, 
44 1 do not know; I wish I did know.” Then I asked him if he had 
any objection or whether the State Department had any objection to 
an investigation being made, and he said, 44 None in the world.” He 
suggested, however, that I possibly should confer with the Solicitor 
General, Mr. John Davis. I immediately left the State Department 
and went over and saw the Solicitor General. I propounded the 
same question to him, as to whether the Department of Justice had 
any objection, whether it would set awry any of their plans for the 
detection or prosecution of spies and intriguers against the Govern¬ 
ment. He said: 44 If you will leave your resolution with me this 
afternoon, I will call you on the phone in the inorning and tell you. 
Meanwhile,” said he, 44 1 will confer with the different officials.” He 
said, 44 You do not want to call anyone we may want to prosecute, if 
you have an investigation, and let them testify, and thereby give 


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ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 


them immunity.” I told him, we did not want to give anybody 
immunity, either. On the following morning he called me on the 
phone and stated that there was no objection whatever from the De¬ 
partment of Justice to this investigation. 

I think we can do the country good, especially if we can discover 
this unnamed organization. The Congress should enlighten and 
purge itself. I think it is a matter that we ought to go into, and it 
does not seem that it will conflict with any of the very excellent efforts 
that are being made and have been made, and the results obtained 
and that are being obtained by the Departments of Justice and State 
in uncovering German intrigue. I am very desirous that a full inves¬ 
tigation be made. 

The Chairman. Mr. Norton, do you desire to have any other wit¬ 
nesses appear? 

Mr. Norton. Mr. Chairman, I do not know whether this committee 
desires to go into all of this matter and have all of the witnesses 
appear before it and do the work that would ordinarily be that of a 
select committee. 

The Chairman. No; we have no desire to undertake that or to an¬ 
ticipate any action. 

Mr. Norton. As I tried to emphasize, my idea of the investigation 
is that the House should first take care of the charges that have been 
made by its own Members against its membership. 

The Chairman. I was merely inquiring whether you desired to 
present anything further to the committee; that was the inquiry I 
made. 

Mr. Norton. That is all, I think; but if the committee desires to 
hear these young men who made the reports, they are here and pre¬ 
pared to appear. Of course, I have no interest more than that of any 
other Member; I have just been reciting to the committee my views of 
the matter. 

Mr. Campbell. May I ask you a question, Mr. Norton? 

Mr. Norton. Certainly. 

Mr. Campbell. Under your resolution, what is your idea of what 
a committee would find out and report ? 

Mr. Norton. The committee, if appointed, should examine the 
newspaper men who made the reports, give an opportunity for the 
Representatives to be heard, and make their findings upon the ex¬ 
amination. 

Mr. Campbell. That would be about the scope of such an examina¬ 
tion as you have in mind? 

Mr. Norton. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Garrett. That would simply raise a question of veracity be¬ 
tween the Members and the newspaper men ? 

Mr. Norton. Certainly. The Members have already, of course, 
denied making the statements. 

Mr. Garrett. From the public standpoint—and, of course, we want 
to approach it from that standpoint—where would that get us, the 
question of veracity arising between those men ? 

Mr. Norton. Then it would be a question for the committee and 
the Congress to decide as between the veracity of the Members and 
the reporters, and it would take appropriate action. Of course, if 
a Member- 


ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 7 

Mr. ( tarrett (interposing). When they decided it, where would 
that get us? 

Mr. Norton. The select committee would report, I take it. ex¬ 
onerating the Members or recommending that they be required to 
make an apology to the House or that they be expelled from the 
House. I believe personally that Members making such statements 
and making them falsely should be expelled from the membership of 
the House. 

Mr. Campbell. There is no question about the statements made on 
the floor of the House, I take it? 

Mr. Norton. No. 

Mr. Campbell. The only matter at issue would be the difference of 
construction of the newspaper interviews with Mr. Heflin and Mr. 
Howard ? 

Mr. Norton. That is all. 

Mr. Garrett. The statement made on the floor and which is quoted 
in your resolution is. after all, nothing more than the expression of 
an opinion, is it? 

Mr. Norton. The statement that was made on the floor is contained 
in the resolution, and is as follows: 

I do not know what Members of Congress, if any, have been influenced by this 
mysterious German organization. If I were permitted to express my opinion, 

I could name 13 or 14 men in the two bodies who, in my judgment, have acted 
in a suspicious manner. 

Now, that statement had reference to the fund of $50,000 that was 
alleged to have been used by Count von Bernstorff to influence Con¬ 
gress. The only fair inference that could be taken from that state¬ 
ment is that the Member had suspicions that 13 or 14 Members in the 
two bodies—the House and Senate—had received a part of that 
money. 

Mr. Cantrill. You mean that that is your inference? 

Mr. Norton. Yes, sir; that is my opinoin of the only fair inference 
that could be taken and the one which went to the country in the 
newspaper reports. 

Mr. Garrett. It goes on: 

If Members have acted in a suspicious manner by the introduction of resolu¬ 
tions or hills or by speeches in the Congress or out of it that leads to the con¬ 
viction that they are not loyal to the Government in the hour of its peril. 

Mr. N orton. And to continue: 

They ought to be investigated, and if found guilty, they ought to he expelled 
from the House and from the Senate of the United States. 

In other words, Mr. Heflin inferentially said if my suspicion that 
these men took this money is true, they ought to be expelled from the 
House and the Senate. 

Mr. Cantrill. No; he said if found guilty. 

Mr. Norton. If his suspicions are true and they were found 
guilty. Then the Post reports him as saying: 

I have heard a story that there is a gambling room in Washington where 
pro-German and peace-at-any-price Members of Congress get their pay by being 
extraordinarily lucky at cards. I demand that this matter he investigated 
and that the guilty Members be expelled from Congress in disgrace. I believe 
some of this money has reached some Members of Congress. I know I could 
name 13 or 14 members of the House and the Senate who have acted in a very 
suspicious fashion. 


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ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 


Mr. Garrett. That newspaper interview Mr. Heflin, in his remarks 
on Monday, repudiated. 

Mr. Wood. Suppose he did make it, then what? Suppose the 
newspaper men say that Mr. Heflin did say this? 

Mr. Heflin. If he says that he did not make that statement, he did 
not make it. 

Mr. Wood. That is not conclusive. Mr. Heflin has the benefit of 
the doubt, but it is our duty to determine it. Suppose it was brought 
before a jury as to whether he did or did not make the statement, 
the mere fact that he says he did not say it would not be conclusive 
in the minds of the jury. It would be their duty to determine whether 
he did or did not say it, I apprehend. 

The Chairman. That would simply raise an issue between the 
newspaper gentlemen and the Member of Congress. 

Mr. Wood. Absolutely; but that is not all. It not only raises that 
issue, but it is an issue that involves the integrity of Members of 
Congress. If Mr. Heflin said it, then he has made a charge of corrup¬ 
tion directly against Members of Congress, and if he did not say it* 
the facts should be made known and Mr. Heflin should be relieved by 
the facts and not by any declaration of his own. 

Mr. Cantrill. I suggest that we hear from Mr. Heflin. 

Mr. Kelly. Mr. Doolittle stated that the State Department favored 
a general investigation. Have you any idea as to the attitude of the 
State Department on your particular resolution ? 

Mr. Norton. I have not. I have not talked with the State Depart¬ 
ment. I had a conversation with Representative Howard, who said 
to me that he had talked to the President about the matter. That 
conversation being personal I would not now feel privileged to com¬ 
municate it to the committee, but it seems to me that an investigation 
of that kind is avoiding the main issue. The thing that we ought to 
be most interested in is the integrity and honesty and high standing 
of the membership of the House. With the reported statements that 
have gone to the country, we have, first, to take care of our own house, 
without seeking over the country to find out where these nameless 
organizations have been located. That, it occurs to me, is properly 
the duty of the Department of Justice and not the duty of Congress. 
I think that we ought to clean our own house first. If we have Mem¬ 
bers who are guilty, as has been charged, we ought to remove them, 
and if these newspaper men have, without authority, on their own 
account, sent these reports broadcast to the country charging that 
Members of the House have taken German gold to influence their 
action in the House and in the country, they ought to be punished. 

I want to state to this committee that I do not think, as a Member 
of this House, that nearly as great a wrong would be done to the 
House and to the country—that not nearly as great satisfaction and 
as great joy would be given to the enemies of our country as has been 
given by the making of these charges, if some man walked into the 
House and murdered 10 Members this morning. I do not believe 
that the killing of 10 Members of the House this morning would do 
as much lasting injury to the House of Representatives all over the 
country now and in the future as has been done by these charges. I 
think that we ought to take care of these charges. Then the qiies- 


ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 


9 


tion of looking up these nameless organizations can be done, if the 
Congress sees fit, it occurs to me. 

The Chairman. Mr. Heflin, we will hear from you. 

STATEMENT OF HON. J. THOMAS HEFLIN, A MEMBER OF CON¬ 
GRESS FROM THE STATE OF ALABAMA. 

Mr. Hef lin. Mr. Chairman, the suggestion that an investigation 
be had of this Bernstorff fund, which he said had been used on 
former occasions, came from me, not from Mr. Norton or from Mr. 
Fordney. I agree with the suggestion made by my friend Doolittle, 
because I have the greatest respect for his integrity and his loyalty. 
I do not propose that the investigation of that fund shall be side¬ 
tracked on me. I am willing to go before a committee, if the House 
deems it wise, and give that committee the names of the Members 
whose conduct, with regard to their loyalty, has, to my mind, been 
suspicious. There are Members whose conduct along these lines has 
been suspicious, according to my way of thinking. I never once 
said that any Member had been corrupted by money. I do not know T 
how Members were influenced. If I knew, of my own knowledge, 
that a Member had actually received money I would say so. But I 
would not accuse him of a thing like that unless I knew it to be true. 
I would be willing to put my integrity and reputation back of a 
statement of that character if I knew that of any German sym¬ 
pathizer in the House or out of it. 

Now, gentlemen speak about the State Department. My friend, 
Doolittle says that the State Department has no objection to an in¬ 
vestigation of this kind, and would like to have it, of course. I think 
I could get the aid of the secret service for the committee to try 
and find out the whereabouts of this organization and something of 
its activities. But Mr. Norton does not want to be fooling around 
with that organization now; he wants to work on me. He is not the 
only one who would like to get me out of the way before the investiga¬ 
tion is had, if it is to be had. I think this committee ought to report 
a resolution to investigate the manner in which that fund was used. 

Mr. Campbell. May I ask if you have any information to give the 
committee, as you just now intimated when you said that Mr. Norton 
and others would like to get you out of the way ? 

Mr. Heflin. That is an opinion of mine. 

Mr. Campbell. Have you any information to give the committee? 

Mr. Heflin. That is the wish of some Members, I should judge 
bv the way they treated me, by your aid, in the House the other day. 

* Mr. Campbell. I am perfectly willing to stand on my attitude. 

Mr. Norton. May I ask you a question, Mr. Heflin? 

Mr. Heflin. No* Mr. Norton; I do not want to be interrupted. 
I did not interrupt you. I asked you the other day to permit me 
to interrupt you in order to say that the newspaper report was un¬ 
true, and you would not permit me to do so. Even after the chair¬ 
man of this committee, Mr. Pou. told you that I had denounced the 
statement and said that it was false you proceeded to speak against 
a fellow Member, and nobody interrupted you, and when your col¬ 
leagues heckled me and denied me a fair hearing you did not pro¬ 
test. You did not treat me fairly, and I do not care to be inter¬ 
rupted by you now. 


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ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 


Mr. Chairman, it is the purpose of some gentlemen to make a man 
afraid to be an American and afraid to speak against BernstorfTs 
organization or the devilish attacks of the German system against 
this Government. I am willing to meet any test that the House 
or this committee may put up to me; but nobody, I take it, doubts 
my loyalty. There are men in the House whose conduct, in my 
opinion, has been suspicious and unsympathetic with our Govern¬ 
ment since the war commenced. Who would wish to expel me for 
saying that, if the conduct of gentlemen makes that impression on 
my mind? Are true, loyal Americans in the majority in the House 
or are German sympathizers in control? Those are questions that 
the public is concerned about. 

Why, they even hired some newspaper reporters to report in the 
Star and the Times yesterday that the President expressed regret 
about my having made the speech and deplored it very much. The 
Times, a German sympathizer, had large headlines, “ The President 
Rebukes Mr. Heflin.” Both of them are false. Not only are they 
trying to punish me for my actions at this time, but some, I am afraid, 
for things I have said for two years past. A woman told me coming 
over here, “ They are trying to get you for everything you have said 
against Germany since the war commenced.” And now, to help out 
their cause, they are trying to drag the President into it against me. 
Yes, they have tried to bring him in and send it out over the country 
that Heflin has been rebuked by the President and make the impres¬ 
sion that the Potsdamers are in control—that the President of the 
United States has rebuked a man who has been standing loyally by 
the President. They published that lie yesterday about the Com¬ 
mander in Chief to further their devilish scheme. I say, is that a 
way to treat an American citizen in Congress who is fighting the 
battle of his country ? 

Gentlemen of the committee, do not be sidetracked by the sugges¬ 
tion of Mr. Norton about investigating me first. I know that some of 
them would like to see me expelled. I will give Mr. Norton an op¬ 
portunity. if that motion is made, to vote on a roll call for my expul¬ 
sion. Nothing would bring about his defeat more surely than that, 
unless it is that the Potsdamers are in the majority in his district. 

Gentlemen, they can not get away from the issue like that with me. 
We must not lose sight of the Bernstorff slush fund. I want the op¬ 
portunity to ask some gentlemen about this Mason bill, and I want 
to ask something about their correspondence. I want to know 
how many of them are now in a quiet understanding to fight the 
selective-draft bill in the next campaign. I want to know how many 
of them have written letters that they favor the Britten bill, which 
exempts the Germans from fighting the battles of our country, 
thereby crippling the United States Government. Why, some say, 
“We have no business in this war; why make the Germany fight?” 
That is a fine situation to he attributed to a loyal American. Senator 
La Follette is charged with having talked that way. Then the Kaiser 
would say, “They are not in sympathy with this war, and they have 
demanded legislation to exempt them from service.” Does this 
square with your idea of real Americanism? While we are investi¬ 
gating, let us see who furnished the postage stamps for all the corre¬ 
spondence in regard to exempting the German boys from the Army 
I did not say that anybody had received money: I spoke for only*a 


ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 


11 


few minutes in the House. The men who are always ready to have 
my language taken down when I border up close to the precise facts 
of a critical situation never asked to have my language taken down. 
There was nothing in my speech so objectionable. I would never 
have said anything in violation of the rules. Some newspaper re¬ 
porter reported me falsely, so they could base their attack on me 
through a newspaper reporter, because they knew my speech did not 
contain any such statement. 

Mr. Wood. You are reported to have said: 

I have heard a story that there is a gambling room in Washington where 
pro-German and peace-at-any-price Members of Congress get their pay by being 
extraordinarily lucky at cards. 

Did you say that? 

Mr. Heflin. You heard my statement on the floor of the House. 

Mr. Wood. Did you say that? 

Mr. Heflin. I did not say “ Members of Congress.” I said where 
pacifists and slackers or German sympathizers play cards and win 
easily at the game. I never said that Members played. 

Mr. Wood. Do you not think whether you did or did not say that 
is important? 

Mr. Heflin. I am a Member of the House and I stated on the floor 
of the House the other day that I never said that. Now you want to 
take the report of a newspaper man, whom possibly you do not know, 
and try to humiliate a Member of Congress. 

Mr. Wood. No. 

Mr. Heflin. The other day you would not permit me to make a 
statement. 

Mr. Wood. Assuming that you are correct in the statement which 
you now make, do you not think that the House should know those 
who are guilty? 

Mr. Heflin. I stated on the floor that I would make a statement. 

Let us inquire into the workings of the Bernstorff organization. 
Senator La Follette is said to be going over the country now speaking 
against the selective draft, which would leave the President without 
an Army. This organization knows who is harboring the spies and 
is giving the Secret Service difficulty in running some of them down. 
We have a great many of them already. There are many spies in 
Washington now. The Secret Service men know some of them who 
have not yet been arrested. They are on the lookout, however. They 
are following their movements. They know that the country is full 
of spies. They are spreading the germs of disease through the rural 
communities and country. They are spreading them in portions of 
the Northwest. They are poisoning watering places where our cat¬ 
tle and live stock drink, Mr. Norton. They are blowing up our muni¬ 
tions plants. They are destroying munitions with which we must 
defend the Nation. They are murdering American citizens, Mr. 
Norton. We are told that they are here trying to overthrow the Gov¬ 
ernment. If that is not trying to overthrow the Government, what 
would it take to convince you that they were trying to overthrow the 
Government ? 

Mr. Chairman, the President was very indignant when he learned 
that they were making use of the manufactured suggestion that he 
had become offended by my statement, and he directed his Secretary 


12 


ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 


to give out a statement that that was untrue, saying that I was one 
of the best friends that the administration had had throughout this 
war. I think the newspaper men knew yesterday before they printed 
that statement in the Star and Times that the President had not 
made any such statement. Why is it that they are after me so? 
Because I am a good American? Is that it? While investigating 
me personally about something that a newspaper has said, we must 
not fail to investigate the transactions of the Bernstorff organiza¬ 
tion. I want you to name a committee to investigate the Bernstorff 
proposition. I never said that Members had been corrupted by this 
money. I can and will give you the names of Members whose acts 
and words have caused me to question their loyalty, and let you de¬ 
termine whether their acts have been in keeping with the highest 
and best interest of the country or of comfort to the Kaiser—let 
their constituents and the loyal public judge. 

Mr. Campbell. Is it not true that the constituents now know 
that it is a matter ,of public report ? 

Mr. Heflin. Well, some constituents do not know. Some Mem¬ 
bers talk to one set of constituents one way and another set of con¬ 
stituents in a different way. One Member said, talking to another 
gentleman—I will not call his name—that 55 per cent of his con¬ 
stituents were Germans; and another gentleman said that this man 
had to do as he was doing or bring about his defeat by his action in 
connection with this war. I look with contempt upon any Member 
of Congress who will take any position by which he surrenders his 
country’s interest for a seat in Congress. He is not a true American 
citizen. I do not care who he is or where he hails from. I know that 
some gentlemen would like to get me out. I heard yesterday of one 
who in conversation said, “ I wish we could get a Democrat to make 
the motion to expell Heflin.” I heard of that; they did not know 
that I had heard of it, but I had. They are at liberty to make that 
motion, because, gentlemen, you can not make me say something 
that I do not believe if you did expel me from the House. 

I may have made enemies. 

He has no enemies, you say. 

My friend, your boast is poor. 

He who hath mingled in the fray of duty that the brave endure, 

Must have made foes. 

If he has none, small the work that he has done. 

He has hit no traitor on the hip; 

He has removed no cup from perjured lip; 

He has never turned the wrong to right; 

He has been a coward in the fight. 

He says no action is too drastic and wants you to find me guilty, 
I suppose; and on what? On a newspaper reporter’s statement that 
he does not know, knowing every time he utters it that the Member 
has denounced it as untrue. Then he talks about investigating things 
before you make a charge. The gentleman knew I had denounced 
that statement as untrue, yet he proceeded to speak and refer to me 
as small and mean. Then the Speaker said it was a close shave as 
to whether I had a question of privilege or not. Gentlemen, I never 
thought I would reach the time when such a thing would happen in 
the House of Representatives. 

Mr. Campbell. What have you to say about the matter that is 
undisputed ? 


ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 13 

Mr. Heflin. I am proceeding to that. 

Mr. Campbell. As to the statements you made on the floor. 

Mr. Heflin. You would not let me proceed the other day. 

Mr. Campbell. Well, I was simply interested in the matter that 
was in order. 

Mr. Heflin. You permitted your colleague to refer to me as small 
and mean, and you sat there- 

Mr. Wood (interposing). I raise $ point of order. We are not 
here trying Mr. Campbell upon something- 

Mr. Heflin. We may have an opportunity to try him somewhere 
else. 

Mr. Wood. This is not the place to do it. You should confine 
yourself to the matter in hand. 

Mr. Cantrill. On the suggestion of the gentleman from Indiana 
I want to make a statement. Mr. Heflin has not had a chance to 
present his side, and I think in all fairness to him- 

Mr. AYood (interposing). Nobody is unfair. All I object to is his 
criticism of a member of this committee. 

Mr. Cantrill (continuing). And I think he ought to be permitted 
to make his statement in his own way. 

Mr. Heflin. I feel that way about it, and I tried to do it the other 
day in the House. 

Mr. Garrett. I suggest that you omit any criticism of Mr. Camp¬ 
bell. 

Mr. Heflin. I have made no criticism of him. With some few 
objections that I could name, Phil is all right. Now, Mr. Chairman, 
I knew this: I knew that I would have fair treatment at the hands 
of the chairman of this committee, because there is no braver, better, 
or fairer man in Congress, and I knew I would have fair treatment 
at the hands of the other brave members of this committee. 

The Chairman. The whole committee desires a fair statement from 
both sides. 

Mr. Heflin. Now, Mr. Chairman, I am not going into the matter 
of naming Members, but if the House requires that of me then I 
feel that I ought to give the names of these men and my reasons for 
my belief, using letters, newspaper editorials, and things that 1 know 
about these men, showing whether or not they have acted in an un¬ 
sympathetic way. That is a milder term—unsympathetic—than 
suspicious, but both of them mean the same thing in my mind. They 
mean not entirely loyal. That is what I think they mean. I am 
not going into that here. I do not want to do that. A very impor¬ 
tant letter I had from Chicago has been stolen from my files, a two 
and a half page typewritten letter from a very distinguished lawyer 
there, about Japan and the German Government, and I am trying to 
get a letter from that man on the same line. It is a very important 
letter. I had it in the middle of my files with the other letters that 
I received, when they moved to strike out my remarks about Messrs. 
Britten and Mason. 

I do not want to go into that: I do not intend to go into it until a 
committee is named to investigate that subject. In other words, when 
the House says, “ We want you to appear before a committee and 
name these men that you think have acted in a suspicious manner”— 
not men that I have charged with receiving money, because I have 





14 


ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 


not done that, and I said that I have not done it—but “ those that 
you think have acted in a suspicious manner, whose loyalty, in other 
words, you think is in question because of certain acts and certain 
conduct,” I will be willing to do that. 

The Chairman. Do you use the word “ suspicious ” as applied to 
their loyalty? Is that your idea? 

Mr. Heflin. Oh, yes. 

The Chairman. And you disclaim- 

Mr. Heflin (interposing). Certainly; like you would say, “Is he 
loyal? ” “ I don’t know; his conduct is a little suspicious sometimes.” 
I did not mean it in the way that Mr. Norton tried to read it in here 
a little while ago. He said that I said, “ I do not know who got the 
money, but several have acted suspiciously.” He connected that up to 
suit himself. I did not say that; I did not mean that; and the Mem¬ 
bers who heard my speech on the floor did not think I meant that. If 
they did, Mr. J. Hampton Moore would have arisen and demanded 
that my words be taken down. All of this was thought out later: 
and, gentlemen, the attack on me on Monday was planned on Sunday, 
I have heard. Think of it; the day set aside for worship in the 
United States to be used by the enemies of the country to assail a 
loyal Member of Congress. God Almighty, what are we coming to. 
gentlemen, when they are trying to make a man afraid to be an 
American? I am going to contribute to the doctrine that will make a 
man afraid to be disloyal. That is what I propose to do. 

I have here an editorial from the Indianapolis Star, a Republican 
paper, that indorses my position and criticizes those who tried to 
warp my language into meaning that they had received money. I 
am receiving editorials from Republican papers in regard to my posi¬ 
tion; I am receiving letters from Republicans and Democrats alike 
indorsing it and saying that they knew I never said that Members 
received money, but that I was right in not sitting here in silence 
and permitting Members to do things that inspired resistance to the 
law back in the States. Again, a Member might sit here in silence 
and be carrying on a propaganda back home not in keeping with my 
idea of true Americanism. He might join Baer’s party and become 
at this time a pacifist. They said that Baer was elected by men who 
repudiated the war, and if others are pandering to that sentiment 
let us put the spotlight on them and know who they are. If this new 
move is to repudiate the Republican Party and the Democratic Party 
and desert the country in time of war, it deserves to be looked into. 

Now, in conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I do not think I want to go into 
this any further than to say that the Von Bernstorff investigation 
must be had. I think that ought to be investigated. I hope you 
will look carefully into the wording of the resolution and fix it so 
that papers in the State Department or in the Secret Service Depart¬ 
ment that ought not to be brought to light should not be fooled with. 
Keep that in mind, gentlemen. You do not know where an inxesti- 
gation is intended to go. When it starts they give an excuse for one 
statement, and what they expect to accomplish, but very often it 
leads to something else. You have got to guard that carefully. Do 
not let Congress make a mistake by allowing newspapers or* others 
to get evidence about a certain thing and then pry in and be able to 
publish or tell some outsider what the hand of the Government is. 



15 


ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 

Mr. Lansing is acting wisely in giving out the information that he 
has as he thinks it wise to give it ou&. Let us go into this thing of 
the organization and find out what >the organization is that Von 
Bernstorff has used in working upon Congress. The gentleman, Mr. 
Norton, does not get indignant about the impudence and arrogance 
of Von Bernstorn’s pernicious activities ‘here or his contemptible 
interference with the Congress of the United States. That crime 
sinks into insignificance by the side of a manufactured newspaper re¬ 
port against a Member whose fault is that he is loyal and wants 
everybody else to be loyal to the flag. 

What are we coming to, gentlemen? Are we tr^e Americans our¬ 
selves? Has the courage of our daddies gone out of us? Are these 
newscomers into our country, recently naturalized and voting in two 
or three elections here of late to be allowed to turn the tide against 
the Government and shake the solid old American stock out of its 
foundations? No, no; do not believe that. Next year in the cam¬ 
paign the only issue will be “ Has he been loyal ?” or “ Is he disloyal ?” 
That will be it. Do not any of you hug that delusion to your heart, 
that you can sit around here and smile, and whisper to your constitu¬ 
ents at home that you voted for the selective draft repeal, that you 
voted for Britten’s bill and think you can get away with it. We are 
not going to let you do it. I would expose you if I knew you would 
expel me. Expulsion has no terrors for me. I know that I am right, 
and “ Bight is right as God is God.” You need not worry about me. 

Now, if you gentlemen pass a resolution—and I think you ought 
to pass it—I insist that you investigate how the Von Bernstorff fund 
was used. I want to know who had the literature printed on this Brit¬ 
ten bill and sent throughout the country; I want to know who has 
paid for the postage there; I want to know who spent these hundreds 
of thousands of dollars—because it must have cost that—to send let¬ 
ters into every precinct in the Nation asking that petitions be sent in 
to repeal the selective draft law. That is worthy of consideration. 
That is the big thing that is striking at the vitals of the Bepublic. 

I want to find out where they are operating from. They are poison¬ 
ing little children, Mr. Norton; they are putting deadly germs of 
leprosy and tetanus even in the Northwest to poison them; they are 
poisoning men and women in their homes, Mr. Norton; they are 
poisoning the watering places for our livestock, Mr. Norton; they 
are blowing up our bridges: they are disturbing transportation; they 
are fomenting strife in our industrial centers; they are blowing up 
munitions plants; they are murdering men and women, Mr. Norton. 
Why do you not ask for an investigation ? Why do you not ask for 
an investigation on this mighty evil, Mr. Norton, and help catch these 
spies? 

Mr. Norton. They should be driven out of the country, and I have 
spoken against them just as much as the gentleman has. 

Mr. Heflin. No, no. The first sympathetic word I have ever heard 
from you was to-day when you said we should fight our enemies. I 
agree with you that we should fight our enemies, so let us investigate 
the Bernstorff organization. We should hunt it down and not get 
sidetracked investigating me. I will keep and tell what I know J 
before Congress adjourns, anyhow. I have made up my mind on 
that. I am going to name them, but I want to name them and give 
my reasons. If you had seen how some of them were after me the 


16 ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 

other day when I was trying to speak and have a fair hearing you 
would have thought that they ^ T ere saying, “ Put it to him. If we 
can get him out we will have^i fellow out of the way who knows 
curious tracks when he sees tlyem. He can read the figures on a Pots¬ 
dam milepost and knows tire needles on a Von BernstorfF pine.” So 
some say, “ Get him out.” And then the gentleman, Mr. Norton, 
said no action is too drastic, and when he got through my friend 
Fordney—I would nev^r have thought he would have done that; I 
have had the highest ^respect for him—introduced his resolution and 
moved the previous'question. He would not let us discuss it. Then 
Mr. Garrett, one df the best parliamentarians I have ever known, 
made a point of 9/4 er against it, and that is the only reason there 
was a chance fqs* me to be heard at all. 

They were going to railroad me, and I heard since that one of them 
said that if they had voted that day they would have expelled me. 
Well, there are worse things than that, gentlemen. I would rather 
go out of Congress maintaining my own self-respect and honor and 
know that I had been true throughout than to fail my country at a 
time like this in order to hold a seat in Congress. The consciousness 
of duty done and of one’s self-respect and integrity is a badge of 
honor. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, these are critical times. I do not want this 
committee to be sidetracked for a moment or get away from the issue. 
We want to investigate this Von Bernstorlf matter, this contemptible 
representative of our enemy operating in the Capital and carrying 
on these secret intrigues when we were neutral and friends of Ger¬ 
many. Yet the gentleman wants to throw that aside, and he says, 
“ The first thing we want to do is to deal with me.” 

Mr. Norton. Does not the gentleman think we ought to clean our 
house and find out if we have disloyal Members in the House? 

Mr. Heflin. I am not disloyal, and nobody thinks that I am dis¬ 
loyal. I have stated I did not say anybody got money; I never used 
that expression, but the other acts that they have done makes them 
suspicious in my mind and doubt their loyalty, and you know that is 
what I am talking about. Yes; get rid of them all, but do not let us 
delay the Von Bernstorff investigation; do not let us do that. 

Mr. Campbell. Do you recall the instructions given to this com¬ 
mittee by the House the other day? 

Mr. Heflin. What were the instructions? 

Mr. Campbell. The resolution was referred to this committee, and 
we were ordered to report back as soon as possible. 

Mr. Heflin. I am just suggesting to the committee to look out for 
the wording of the resolution. 

The Chairman. There were no instructions from the House. 

Mr. Heflin. I want to read this, Mr. Chairman, from the Indian¬ 
apolis Star. Mr. Norton was reading from some little paper out 
in his district, saying that Mr. Heflin had accused them. I do not 
know whether it is a Democratic paper or a Republican paper or a 
pacifist paper. 

Mr. Norton. It is a Democratic paper. 

Mr. Heflin. Well, here is a Republican paper: 

He [Heflin] did not accuse anyone of getting any part of that $50,000 “'slush 
fund.” Bernstorff himself, in his published cablegram, asked for the money to 
be used “ as on former occasions.” 


ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 


17 


Now. that is the impression they got out there. I do not know 
who sent this report that Mr. Norton read from his district; I do 
not know whether it was inspired or not; but here is one from a. 
Republican paper that says that Heflin did not accuse anybody of 
receiving money, but he says their acts had been suspicious. 

Mr. Wood. I call your attention to the last clause of that editorial, 
Mr. Heflin. 

Mr. Heflin. Well, he goes on to say: 

It would be interesting to go on with the proposed investigation. The public 
would be pleased to know just what was done with that $50,000 to “ influence 
Congress." 

But Mr. Norton wants to know whether a newspaper man agrees 
with me about a statement that I made regarding some 13 or 14 
Members in the two bodies. But this man says the question is what 
was done with that money— 

By whom and how it was spent? Nothing actionable might develop, but this 
country would like to know what was done. Whatever was done was in the 
interest of Germany and not of the United States. 

That is from a Republican newspaper. So do not let gentlemen 
get away from an investigation of the Bernstorff fund. 

Mr. Wood. You have not read the last clause yet. It is the last 
clause of the editorial that I am calling your attention to, Mr. Heflin 
[reading] : 

A congressional investigating committee at least could run to earth all the 
facts in connection with that gambling room of which Mr. Heflin spoke. 

Mr. Hefi AN. It savs: 

By all means let the people back home know who among our hard-worked 
Members of Congress are frivoling away time in poker games in these strenu¬ 
ous, nerve-racking days. 

Mr. W don. Here is what it says: 

A congressional investigating committee at least could run to earth all the 
facts in connection with that gambling room of which Mr. Heflin spoke. 

It is admitted that you spoke of it. 

Mr. Heflin. Yes: I did speak of it. 

Mr. Wood (reading). If there is a gambling room in Washington conducted 
by Germans and frequented by Members of Congress— 

That you say you deny? 

Mr. Heflin. Yes. 

Mr. Wood. But they say you said it. [Reading:] 

These facts could be easily established. By all means let the people back 
home know who among our hard-worked Members of Congress are frivoling 
away time in poker games in these strenuous, nerve-racking days. 

Mr. Heflin. I stated what I said in the House and would have 
stated it more fully if I had been permitted, but the gentleman 
from Indiana, his colleagues, and others did not come to my rescue. 

Mr. Wood. Did I interrupt you ? 

Mr. Heflin. You did not interrupt me, but you did not try to keep 
anybody else from interrupting me. 

Mr. W ood. No: it would have been too big a job. 

Mr. Heflin. I said the other day that I did not say Members. I 
was referring to a rumor that pacifists and slackers and German 

15865—17-2 



18 


ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 


sympathizers were playing cards in a gambling house run by a Ger¬ 
man. I did not say Members of Congress. I remember distinctly 
what I said, and } r et they had me saying that is where some Mem¬ 
bers get their pay. If I had had knowledge that Members sympa¬ 
thizing with Germany won money as suggested I would have said so, 
and I did not accuse Members of getting money. But that is not 
really the thing that is at the bottom of this fight on me. Something 
is at work to give impetus to this La Follette campaign that has 
started. 

Gentlemen, we might just as well call a spade a spade. I am going 
to propound some questions to certain Members about this matter. 
I want to know and the country wants to know whether the Govern¬ 
ment is being supported all over the country by those in positions 
of trust. Some of them would like to get me out before I get a 
chance to put these questions, but if they do I will put them to the 
American people. You will have an opportunity to have a record 
vote on whatever you want to do with me. 

Now, I thank the committee. Three-fourths of the committee 
have wanted me to proceed in my own way. I appreciate that. I 
think I am a fair man. If I assail a man, I like for him to have an 
opportunity fully and clearly to be heard, but that opportunity was 
denied me in the House the other day. I regret it very much. I 
do not understand exactly w T hat they were driving at, but I have 
heard a great many rumors about it. One was that they were going 
to make a motion to expel me right at once, without giving me a 
chance to be heard. I wonder whether they think they could silence 
me with that sort of thing. Why, gentlemen, if you had succeeded— 
if Germany had had enough sympathizers in the House to have suc¬ 
ceeded in anything like that—you would not have gotten away with 
it before the American people. Do you not know that ? 

Do you suppose that the Commander in Chief of the Army and 
Navy will permit you to humiliate one who has been American 
through and through? Gentlemen, there are several angles to this 
thing. What we want to get at now—and I say this in conclusion— 
is the Von Bernstorff matter. Let us investigate this Yon Bernstorff 
proposition at once. Separate the resolutions if you want to, gentle¬ 
men of the committee, and you fix the wording of them yourselves. 
You can do that; you have authority to do that; and, as for myself, 
I am in the hands of this committee and Congress. I am heartily in 
favor off the investigation of the Yon Bernstorff fund. I want to 
find that mysterious organization. It is a pussy-footed arrangement. 
It has had its spies in this city all winter and all summer. They 
have been here in the form of men and women, too. They are work¬ 
ing for the German Government, and I am not the only man who 
despises them. But they have got some friends somewhere. Single 
out the Yon Bernstorff fund and investigate this mysterious organi¬ 
zation. Let us see whether we can not find that, and I think we can 
summon men who can help us. I can give you the names of some 
men to summon before that committee, of whom questions can be 
asked, and they may help throw some light on the situation. I will 
suggest some questions for you to ask them. 

Now, then, if you want to name a committee to call me before it, 
that is for you to say. I am not going to advise you one way or the 
other about that. I have stated my willingness to comply with the 


ALLEGED GERMAN CORRUPTION FUND. 


19 


House’s orders. I would not name them the other day on the floor 
of the House, because I knew from the conduct of those who were 
heckling me that they would not permit me to give my reasons. If 
I named them, the minute I would have named one of them they 
would have gone on with their heckling and would not have per¬ 
mitted me to give my reasons. I want a committee named. I do 
not want a man on that committee whose conduct is in question in 
my mind. I do not want them trying me. I hope the day will 
never come when those accused will sit in judgment trying the man 
who has smoked them out. 

I thank you, gentlemen of the committee. 

The Chairman. Is there anyone else who desires to be heard? 

Mr. Norton. I would like to introduce Mr. Eldred, the representa¬ 
tive of the United Press. 

Mr. Cantrill. I object to that, since Mr. Heflin has left. 

Mr. Norton. Yes; that may be right. 

Mr. Cantrill. I move an executive session of the committee. 

(The committee thereupon proceeded to the consideration of execu¬ 
tive business, after which it adjourned.) 


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